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Lost on Class Agenda, Maoists Working on Caste Division
Published in Organiser, May 2, 2018Maharashtra Police carried out raids at some Maoist urban centres having links with Bhima-Koregaon riots. It is time to unmask the real intent of Maoists and how their strategy has changed from Class to CasteAuthor: Capt Smita GaikwadMaharashtra Police carried out raids on April 18, 2018 to Maoist urban hideouts. Searches continued in the premises of leftist organisations Kabir Kala Manch and Republican Panther, who played a key role in organising the infamous Elgaar Parishad on December 31, 2017 in which the notorious Jawaharlal Nehru University student Umar Khalid also participated. This created furore among the ideologues of Maoism that is deceptively called as Naxalism sitting in urban centres. Many media persons also criticised the move by Maharashtra Police. Maoism is the ideology of ‘class war’, what it has to do with the ‘caste’ question, is the obvious question raised. Therefore, it is necessary to understand and expose very strategy of Maoists and the way they change their goalposts.Maoism has been active as an ideology right from the independence period with the only objective of uprooting democratic system through the power of the gun. In their initial years, they exploited to fuel class struggle and used it as a deception to further their anti-India war. However, in last ten years, there is a significant shift in their tactics as ‘caste’ takes the centre-stage.Forged Frontal OrganisationMaoists’ ultimate aim is Political power through bloody methods of revolution. They want to encircle cities with ‘liberated areas’, simultaneously mobilise masses through mass organisations in cities where their enemy(i.e. Indian state) is strong and take over cities with the help of Armed cadre and Maoist mass organisations when the situation is conducive. They operate through different types of Front organisations in cities. Two of the alleged Maoist Front Organisations in Maharashtra are ‘Kabir Kala Manch’ and ‘Deshbhakti Yuva Manch’. In Pune, there were two youngsters, Prashant Kamble and Santosh Shelar who joined Maoist armed cadre in Gadchiroli in 2010. In an interview to various Newspapers, the parents of these youngsters mention of Kabir Kala Manch playing a key role in the journey of their wards to Maoist armed Cadre. Interestingly, Kabir Kala Manch claims itself to be an organisation fighting for Dalit cause and equality. However, they never uttered a single word though 23 Dalits have been killed in Maharashtra by Maoists. Thus, it is activism of convenience. There are reports of Late Anuradha Ghandy, Former Central Committee Member of CPI (Maoist) giving Rs 4000 monthly, collected through ‘Naxal tax’, to the founder of Kabir Kala Manch. Arun Bhelke, President of ‘Deshbhakti Yuva Manch’ allegedly took the two youngsters from Pune to jungles of Gadchiroli.The Exposed Nexus!Former BJP MP and chairman of Shipping Board, Pradeep Rawat, has alleged that the Koregaon Bhima riots were conspired by Maoist groups and the members of the Kabir Kala Manch (KKM). He has also claimed that it is the failure of cops and has demanded that the government should conduct an inquiry into the police action. The ruling party member has made these comments on the basis of a fact-finding committee report prepared by the Vivek Vichar Manch that he heads. Members of Vivek Vichar Manch have recently published a report purportedly on the revelations of a fact finding committee. According to the report, the riots at Koregaon Bhima were the result of a conspiracy by Maoists and organisations with similar ideology, in an attempt to create a rift between religions and groups.Koregaon Bhima RiotsIn recent Koregaon Bhima riots, various Fact Finding Committees accused Elgar Parishad scheduled on Dec 31, 2017, of spreading caste hatred and stated that it was one of the attempts to provoke riots. FIR is filed against the members of Organising Committee of Elgar Parishad. Elgar Parishad was one of the platforms where left or ultra left who have been talking the language of ‘class’ came together in the name of ‘caste’. Interestingly, the Organisers of Elgar Parishad comprise members of Kabir Kala Manch, who were in jail under UAPA Act for Moist links and are out on bail currently. Sudhir Dhawale and Harshali Potdar were the leading members of this Committee. Sudhir Dhawale from Republican Panther was in jail for 40 months for Maoist links and later acquitted. Harshali Potdar is a former TISS student and member of Republican Panther. She was being questioned for her Maoist links in the year 2013 as part of an investigation into the murder of three tribals by Maoists in Gadchiroli. Her investigation was asked to be stopped as Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh wrote to the then Maharashtra Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan because Harshali Potdar was a Prime Ministerial Rural Development (PMRD) fellow.Prakash Ambedkar, Grandson of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, was part of this Elgar Parishad as well. He did not go to Koregaon Bhima on Jan 1, 2018, despite mobilising Dalits for six months with slogans ‘ Chalo Bhima Koregaon’. In the year 2013, he received criticism for calling Maoists ‘ Friends of the Country ‘. Milind Teltumbade, the Maoist Leader operating from jungles of Bastar and wanted in many cases, is relative of Prakash Ambedkar and Prakash Ambedkar consistently defended Kabir Kala Manch members when Police arrested them. This is an interesting development when a leader working on ‘caste ‘ issues was seen defending those allegedly working for the banned terrorist organisation, i.e. CPI (Maoist) whose strategies revolved around ‘class’ till 2004.In the year 2015, a program was organised in Mumbai on the first death anniversary of convicted Maoist Central Committee Member Sridhar Srinivasan. Republican Panther, who claim to be fighting for justice and equality for Dalits, performed songs on this occasion. Sudhir Dhawale and Harshali Potdar were present on stage for this program. What connects an Organisation fighting for Dalits and supposedly following Dr Ambedkar’s path has with the death anniversary of a convicted Maoist leader especially when Maoism talks of overthrowing democracy and constitution in which Dr Ambedkar played the key role?Tactics and StrategyIn the year 2004, Communist Party of India (Maoist) drafted five crucial strategy documents for their anti-India war. In the Document, Strategy and Tactics of Indian Revolution, they mention of exploiting special social sections and their issues to enhance the people’s war.People’s War“While taking up specific tactics on the special problems related to these sections, we should keep in mind that the tactics should always be subordinate to our strategic line. We should place the specific programme for the solution of their specific problems in relation to and in the overall context of, the ongoing people’s war in the country.”Women, Tribal, Dalit, Minorities“We must demonstrate in practice how the people’s war (anti India war) and the ongoing class struggle is bringing these sections increasingly into the centerstage; how the latent potential and creative energies, the revolutionary initiative and capacities of these oppressed sections are being released in the course of the people’s war and the deepening class struggle. Hence, in all our guerilla zones and areas of class struggle, firstly we have to follow the class line and mass line seriously, i.e. to work mainly among the landless and poor peasantry and agricultural labourers generally who belong to Dalit section.”Doing Away With Dalit Organisations“The petty bourgeoisie Dalit sections in certain states have formed some exclusive organisations of Dalits and are organising movements on some issues related to their problems. Depending on the concrete situation, if it is helpful for the ongoing revolutionary movement, we may sometimes work jointly with these petty bourgeoisies Dalit organisations on these issues while exposing the reformism and opportunism of the leadership. It is only due to lack of a revolutionary alternative that exclusive Dalit organisations are proliferating in various parts of the country. Such organisations will become irrelevant if the revolutionary Party and mass organisations take up the issues of Dalits and build a broad-based movement.”Maoists vs AmbedkaritesIn today’s situation, while understanding Maoist strategies, it is more relevant than ever to recall what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar said in his last address to Constituent Assembly on Nov 25, 1949.He stated:‘The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. Why do they condemn the Constitution? Is it because it is really a bad Constitution? I venture to say no’. The Communist Party want a Constitution based upon the principle of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They condemn the Constitution because it is based upon parliamentary democracy. The Socialists want two things. The first thing they want is that if they come in power, the Constitution must give them the freedom to nationalise or socialise all private property without payment of compensation. The second thing that the Socialists want is that the Fundamental Rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their Party fails to come into power, they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticise, but also to overthrowthe State. ‘In the context of above speech, any person having faith in Constitution of India and faith in Dr Ambedkar’s thoughts can never support Maoism as Maoists believe in bloody methods of revolution. Dalits have special emotional connect with Dr Ambedkar and constitution due to their past sufferings based on caste. The faith of Dalits or any Ambedkarite in the constitution is strong enough not to get carried away by Maoism. However, to promote Maoism, the deceptive strategy of Maoists uses names of Shahu-Phule-Ambedkar, the trio known for their progressive thoughts and their work for equality. It is difficult for a common man to identify ‘Maoists pretending to be Ambedkarite’ and by the time they realise it, it would be either too late or they would be already brainwashed not to return to democratic thoughts. That is the biggest challenge in urban areas where Maoists are more active than ever by using ‘caste’ as ‘weapon’ and ‘names of our Nationalist Leaders’ as ‘camouflage’ to bleed India with thousand cuts. Awareness about Urban Maoism, their working methods and promoting Dr Ambedkar’s writings can be a preventive measure in this regard. Dalit leaders and intellectuals can play an important role in fighting this National Security threat and changing the dimension of Maoist war against India. -
Vedic Literature Says “Caste” by Birth is Unjust

Author: Stephen Knapp
(Sri Nandanandana Dasa)
This article was published in the April-June 2021 issue of the Hindu Vishwa, the quarterly publication of VHPA
This article and more information at www.stephen-knapp.comWhen it comes to the sensitive topic of Varnashrama, or what many people call the caste system of India, we have seen so many talks over this issue, both pro and con, back and forth, this way and that. We all know that the Vedic system of Varnashrama has been mentioned in the Vedic literature in many places, such as in the Purusha Sukta verses of the Rig-veda (Book Ten, Hymn 90). But there is no indication in these verses that say that birth is the essential quality for one’s varna. Yet, it seems that many people still don’t understand how the varna system was meant to be implemented, as can be seen in the modern form of the caste system of today. The problem is not because of Varnashrama, but because of this misunderstanding of what it really is that has caused so many of India’s social problems. This article contains many quotes from Vedic shastra to clarify what the Varnashrama or caste system is actually supposed to be.
This article is for those more familiar with the topic, but for those who are not we can explain briefly that there are four basic social divisions, namely the Brahmanas (those who are priests, or interested in the study, teaching and practice of spiritual knowledge and intellectual pursuits), Kshatriyas (those who are soldiers, in the military, or police, politicians, managers, etc.), Vaishyas (merchants, businessmen, bankers, farmers, tradesmen, etc.), and Shudras (those who have little interest in the study of the Vedic literature or spiritual pursuits, and would rather engage in simple labor or employment, or technicians and other craftsmen in the service of others, etc.). Outcastes are those who are outside these four. There are also the four ashramas of life, which include Brahmacharis (student life, generally celibates), Grihastas (householders), Vanaprasthas (those who are retired from family life), and Sannyasa (the renounced monks, some of whom travel the world to teach). This is the Vedic system of Varnashrama.
The modern caste system is seen to usually dictate one’s varna or caste merely by one’s birth family, as if one automatically inherits the caste of one’s father, which is why there is a growing dislike for it. This is not the traditional Vedic system of Varnashrama. This is the difference and the problem. The traditional Vedic system calculated one’s occupational class by recognizing one’s natural talents, interests, tendencies, and abilities. It was similar to the modern system of having high school counselors adjust a student’s academic courses by discussing with the students their interests in conjunction with the results of their IQ tests. Thus, such counselors see what occupational direction is best suited for the students so they can achieve a fitting career that is of interest to them and helps them be a contributor to society at the same time. And the four basic divisions of society, as outlined in the Vedic system, are natural classifications and found everywhere, in every society, call it what you want. Plus, the traditional Vedic Varnashrama system was never so inflexible that one could not change from one occupation or class to another. The rigidity of the present-day caste system, based on jati or one’s birth family, is actually leading us away from the flexibility, and the common sense, of the Vedic varna system.
For this reason, you could say that the modern caste system that we find today is opposed to the Vedic system of varna. The Vedic process was a matter of bringing experience and wisdom of the ages to assist and direct a person’s life in what would be the most productive and satisfying occupation that would fit the mentality, interests, talents, and level of consciousness of an individual. It was never meant to dominate, stifle, hold down, or demean anyone. Therefore, the modern caste system as we find it today should be thrown out, and the natural system of the Vedic Varnashrama should be properly understood as it was meant to be.
Another problem with the present day caste system is that an increasing number of adults in India, what to speak of Western countries, who come from different varnas, different family lineages, various ethnic backgrounds, are getting married and becoming parents. How is it possible then to determine the caste or varna of the child they produce based merely or only on its birth or parentage? So when this increases to additional mixed varnas and jatis, caste by birth no longer holds true, if it ever could. It increasingly depends on guna and karma, which molds the tendencies, talents, abilities, intelligence level, attractions, and characteristics of the individual. And this cannot be determined until the child engages in actions and interactions among others. Only then is there some indication for what is a person’s varna or most likely career classification.
So, to show what I’m talking about, here in the shastric quotes that follow I try to provide a clear description of how the varna system was never meant to be based merely on one’s family birth, but by one’s talents, natural interests, proclivities, expertise, and activities. These quotes are from the Bhrama Parva section of the Bhavishya Purana (abbreviated as BP), and no matter how much or how little credit you give to this Purana, you still cannot deny the logic with which this information is presented. The verses cited herein from the Bhrama Parva section of the Bhavishya Purana is known to be relatively free of corruptions and its antiquity is vouchsafed as well. The same verses are also repeated verbatim in the Skanda Purana (north Indian versions) and a few verses of similar purport are also found in the beginning of the Shukranatisara. Some scholars say that the last is a 19th century forgery, but no less than Swami Dayanand Sarasvati acknowledged it as an ancient text, and most scholars date it between 300- 1200 AD. So at a minimum, these verses do represent an alternative opinion and an elaboration on the Vedic varna-jaati system.
There are many other points about the caste system that could be discussed, such as untouchability, etc., but please note, this article is not taking those up, but merely following the outline as brought up in the following shastric quotes focusing on the Bhavishya Purana. In this portion of the Bhavishya Purana that follows, the answers to the questions are spoken by Sumantu, the disciple of Srila Vyasadeva, to King Shatanika. This was at the suggestion of Srila Vyasadeva [VedaVyasa] who was sitting nearby in the assembly of sages, all of whom were listening to the discussion. (Bhavishya Purana, Bhrama Parva, Chapter 1.28-35)
HOW DO WE RECOGNIZE ONE’S VARNA?
First of all, how do we recognize one’s varna is an ancient question, even asked by the sages of the distant past to Lord Brahma. What is it that really makes the difference between one person and the next? “The sages asked: O Lord Brahma, in the beginning of creation, how was one recognized as a Brahmana? Was it because of his birth in a particular family, his knowledge of the Vedas, the characteristics of his body, his accomplishment of self-realization, his quality of behavior, or the prescribed duties he carried out? Is it the mind, speech, activities, body, or the qualities that determine one’s social status? Surely one’s birth in a certain caste [or family] is not sufficient for one to be recognized as a Brahmana. One’s qualities and work must also play an important part in determining a person’s position in society. The Vedic literature supports this view.” (BP, 38.8-11)
“Different social orders, such as the Brahmanas and Kshatriyas (and others) are directly seen, but simply being born in a particular family does not automatically grant one his social status. An intelligent person can easily recognize a horse in the midst of many cows. Similarly, among many who are born in a particular social status, those who are actually qualified in terms of character and activities can be easily recognized. (BP, 38.19-20)
“Some people say that all of humanity is the topmost caste, and there is nothing more to be said than this. They fail to understand that the various purificatory processes, such as the sacred thread ceremony [initiation into the twice-born status], make a person distinct from those who do not undergo such rituals.” (BP, 38.21)
Such customs certainly help one progress and is recommended, but the fact remains that in spite of such purificatory rites, we are all still very much the same, as described next.
WE ARE ALL QUITE ALIKE
“How can all the living entities who take birth, grow old, become diseased, and then die, who suffer the threefold miseries of material existence, who take birth in innumerable species, such as human beings, birds, dogs, pigs, dog-eaters, insects, and tortoises, who are all placed into very awkward conditions of life, fraught with danger, illness, lamentation, and distress, and who are constantly being drowned by the burden of their grave sinful reactions, be accepted as qualified Brahmanas?” (BP, 38.23-25)
Therefore, there must be some additional means that can help identify one’s mental makeup and high or low level of intellect and consciousness.
IT IS ONLY OUR ACTIONS AND QUALIFICATIONS THAT DIFFERENTIATE US
“Just as one can differentiate between a soldier, an elephant, a horse, a cow, a goat, a camel, and an ass by seeing their colors and forms [as distinguished because of their birth], all living entities have different characteristics and duties that distinguish them from one another.” (BP, 38.30)
“[However] the question, ‘Who is a Brahmana?’ cannot be answered so easily. Actually, there is no question of a person being qualified as a Brahmana simply because he was born in a family of Brahmanas. When a person is designated as belonging to one of the four divisions of the social order [whether it be Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras or Brahmanas]— that [designation] is not eternal. There is no physical characteristic that enables one to determine who is a Brahmana. A fair or dark complexion, which, after all, is temporary, is no real indication of a person’s varna.” (BP, 38.31) In
Goswami Tulsidas’s Shri Ramcharitmanas there are many instances when this issue is also addressed. In the ‘Sabri episode’, Lord Rama speaks to Sabri about the importance of action (Chapter III, Aranya Kand, Verse 34, Line 4,5,6). It is clearly stated that “Bhakti (devotion and unification with the supreme), does not consider caste, religion, etc., rather it is determined by the character and qualities of an individual.”
A CASTE SYSTEM BASED ON BIRTH IS UNJUST
“Therefore, the conception of a caste system based solely on birth is artificial and temporary. It may seem to be reality, but that is only due to the influence of the practice of a particular period. A businessman and doctor are both human beings, but their profession is different. Their work is according to their nature and qualities, and not because of the family they were born into.” (BP, 38.32)
“Can a person, thus, claim to be a Brahmana if he does not act according to the codes of good conduct? Can a man claim to be a Kshatriya if he does not protect the citizens? Can a person claim to be a Vaishya if he gives up performing his prescribed duties [in business, trade or farming]? Can a person claim to be a Shudra if he abandons service to the higher three classes?
“There is no physical difference between human beings as there is between cows and horses. Actually, all living beings should be treated with respect, knowing that they are one in quality as spirit souls, although they may temporarily have different varieties of forms and activities.” (BP, 38.33-34)
“Therefore, the caste system in human society that is based solely upon birth should be understood as superficial, because it is not prescribed in the scriptures. Unfortunately, those in ignorance cannot understand that it is a man-made concoction that can be easily refuted by a person in knowledge.” (BP, 38.35)
“If a person considers himself to be a Brahmana by birth but engages in [such things as] taking care of cows, buffalos, goats, horses, camels, or sheep, or acts as a messenger, tax collector, businessman, painter [artist], or dancer, he should be considered as not a real Brahmana, even though he may be very expert or powerful.” (BP, 38.36-37)
“Brahmanas who have deviated from the path of righteousness as propagated by the scriptures are to be considered fallen [from their social status], even though they may belong to a very aristocratic family, and have performed all the required purificatory rituals, and carefully studied the Vedas. No amount of accomplishments gives one the right to justify sinful behavior.” (BP, 38.42-43)
“Thus, it can be understood how a Brahmana can become a Shudra, a Shudra can become a Brahmana, a Kshatriya can become a Brahmana or a Vaishya, and so on.” (BP, 38.47)
Herein we can understand that a Brahmana is no Brahmana if he is not endowed with purity and good character, or if he leads a life of frivolity and immorality. However, a Shudra is a Brahmana if he leads a virtuous and pious life. Varna or caste is a question of character. Varna is not the color of the skin, but the color of one’s character and quality. Conduct and character is what matters and not lineage alone. If one is Brahmana by birth and, at the same time, if he possesses the virtues of a Brahmana, that it is extremely good, because it is only certain virtuous qualifications that determine if one is a Brahmana, just as certain qualities distinguish one as a Kshatriya, Vaishya or Shudra. But if a Brahmana does not have the necessary traits, then he cannot call himself a Brahmana.
“Brahma said: If study of the Vedas is an important criteria for being recognized as a Brahmana, then many Kshatriyas and Vaisyas also deserve to be called Brahmanas, just as Ravana became known as a demon [by qualities and actions]. Similarly, there are many dogeaters, laborers, hunters, fishermen, sailors, and other people [outside the higher classes] who study the Vedas. Therefore, mere study of the Vedas cannot be the criteria for determining a person’s social position.” (BP, 39.1-2, 6)
The point is that “One who is twice-born and has thoroughly studied the Vedas, along with its six branches, cannot claim to be a purified soul if he does not observe the codes of good conduct. It is the occupational duty of one who is twice-born to study the Vedas, and this is one of the symptoms of a genuine Brahmana. If a person does not perform his prescribed duties after studying the four Vedas, he is like a eunuch who cannot take advantage of having a wife.” (BP, 39.8-9)
Here again we see that the proper classification of an individual is not the status of one’s birth family, but the qualities that he shows in life. Otherwise, even someone who considers himself to be a sophisticated Brahmana may indeed be something far less. As it is further explained: “Just like a Brahmana, a Shudra can have a shikha, chant Om, worship the deities every morning and evening, wear a sacred [Brhamana’s] thread, carry a staff, and wear a deerskin [like a forest sage]. Even Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva are incapable of preventing people from becoming Shudras, and so what to speak of human beings. Therefore, wearing a sacred thread, keeping a shikha, and dressing a particular way are not really indications of a person’s position within the Varnashrama society. Who can stop a person’s Shudra mentality, even though he may be well-versed in the Vedic mantras and tantras, and is a very good speaker on these subjects?” (BP, 39.10-13)
“[Generally it can be recognized that] All classes of men are seen to be capable of performing austerities, speaking the truth, worshiping the demigods, and chanting mantras. All classes of men generally avoid and [in some cases] even deceive those who speak harshly. Considering this, it is not possible to actually differentiate between a Brahmana and a Shudra. The power to curse and the exhibition of compassion can also be found in Shudras. One cannot ascertain from a person’s external appearance whether he is a thief, a cheater, or a prince. Just as a Shudra is incapable of relieving himself of his miseries and protecting his family, it is the same for a Brahmana.” (BP, 39.14-17)
THE DAMAGE OF UNQUALIFIED BRAHMANAS
“It is better if there are no Brahmanas at all than to have sinful and unqualified Brahmanas in the kingdom [who thus mislead society by what they say and do], especially in Kali-yuga, because in previous ages such Brahmanas would have been censored.” (BP, 39.18)
Furthermore, it is especially difficult in these days to find anyone who is eligible to be considered a member of the higher classes or varnas of society, for it seems that everyone is materially motivated.
“According to some opinion, the power to curse others, a compassionate nature, and an inclination toward spiritual life are the characteristics of a Brahmana. In spite of that, it is seen that practically everyone is attached to worldly activities, having fallen into the darkness of ignorance, and because of that they are helplessly rushing towards hell, just like flies rush towards a fire.” (BP, 39.19-20)
SO WHO IS A REAL BRAHMANA?
We have now seen by the logic presented in the Bhavishya Purana how the jati or birth of an individual does not justify anyone’s social classification. But also how many of those who take pride in considering themselves of a higher caste or varna are actually not qualified in such a way at all. And yet, even a low-class person, meaning having taken birth from a lower social class, can indeed rise up to be a Brahmama. It all depends on one’s level of consciousness, which generally depends on one’s training and then mental disposition towards a spiritual life, and his natural inclination to follow a code of good conduct.
“Only those who have been PROPERLY trained and who have studied the Vedas [are seen to generally] adhere to a life of piety, whereas those without training [in at least general moral standards], who have not studied the Vedas [nor their spiritual conclusion] engage in sinful activities. Because study of the Vedas is the primary duty of a Brahmana [or one who is seriously on the path to spiritual progress, thus showing Brahminical qualities], one who does not study the Vedas cannot be considered a genuine Brahmana.” (BP, 39.25-26)
This is interesting because how many times have we met people who feel they have duly studied the Vedic conclusions but have yet to know how to apply them, nor have they continued to follow them, giving any number of excuses for their present activities. The above verses make it clear that one has to continue to follow the standards, and if he cannot, then he is no longer to be accepted as a person of a higher social class. And this can go for anyone and anywhere. If they have little respect for others, engage in materialistic pursuits without higher moral standards, then that person is someone with a low consciousness, or low varna.
A BRAHMANA CAN EASILY FALL DOWN, WHILE A SHUDRA CAN EASILY RISE UP
“A Brahmana can easily be diverted from his brahminical qualities and codes of good conduct if he becomes bewildered by desires for material enjoyment and blinded by pride, just like an ordinary materialistic person. Of course, anyone becomes degraded and goes to hell if he has a sinful nature, even after undergoing the samskaras. On the other hand, those who observe proper etiquette, even though they might not have undergone the samskaras, should be considered as Brahmanas.
“It is a fact that even someone who chants various mantras and has undergone all the purificatory rituals may fall down into illusion and thereby become bereft of brahminical qualifications due to his sinful mentality. People who engage in abominable activities, and who are blinded by pride in their ability, fall down from their position and lose all brahminical qualities.” (BP, 40.15-18)
Here again I am reminded of what I have always said, that the present caste system based on one’s jati or birth is unjust. It is meant to depend on the person’s natural talents, abilities, tendencies, and mentality, which varies from person to person regardless of family, social class, culture, regional jurisdiction, etc. Each person has to be considered individually regardless of family background.
“The caste system based simply on birth does not actually divide people according to their development of consciousness. It is one’s envy and hatred that allows us to place a person in a higher or lower category. If it is not helpful to divide people according to their bodily characteristics, [then why do so]? In the past, many great sages, such as Srila Vyasadeva, observed proper etiquette and became great souls, although they did not undergo the samskaras, such as the garbhadhana.” (BP, 40.19-20)
For example, “Vyasadeva was the son of a fisherman’s daughter, his father Parashara was born from a woman who was a dog-eater. Shukadeva was born from a female parrot, Vashishtha was the son of a prostitute” and other sages like Kanada, Shringi, Mandapala, and Mandavya all had questionable births, and yet all were highly qualified Brahmanas, and recognized as such.
“Indeed, it is imperative that one strictly follow the instructions of these highly qualified sages, who all possess a spotless character, if one hopes to achieve success in life.
“O King, undergoing the various samskaras certainly plays an important part in raising one to the platform of a qualified Brahmana, but there are many other important considerations. For example, the great sage Shringi achieved the status of a Brahmana on the strength of his austerities. It must be concluded that undergoing samskaras is a principal criteria for becoming a Brahmana. Still, on the strength of their penance and austerity, Vyasadeva, Parashara, Kanada, Vashishtha, and Mandapala became qualified Brahmanas, despite their taking birth from the womb of a fisherwomen, female dogeater, or prostitute, etc.
“[Therefore] undergoing the various samskaras is not sufficient to qualify one as a Brahmana. Those who are expert in performing the Vedic and tantrik samskaras require the attainment of transcendental knowledge and the performance of penance to support their claim of being qualified Brahmanas. Without such qualifications, one will certainly indulge in sinful activities and thus fall from his high position as a Brahmana. One who is a Brahmana in name only is not really a Brahmana.” (BP, 40.22-32)
Here in these quotations we can see that many great Rishis were born in lower varnas, such as Vashishta was the son of a prostitute; Vyasa was born of a fisher woman; Parashara’s mother was a chandala; Nammalwar was a Shudra. Similarly, Valmiki, Viswamitra, Agastya were Brahmanas in spite of their non-Brahmana origin. In more recent times, for example, Swami Vivekananda, one of the most revered Hindus worldwide, was a nonBrahmana. Or was he? In spite of a non-Brahmana birth he displayed so many high qualities. All this proves that birth is not a major player in attaining the status of Brahmana. It is the intellectual and spiritual level of consciousness that differentiates people.
In the same way, spiritual realization is not dependent on birth or book-learning, as has been repeatedly demonstrated in the lives of saints, from the very earliest times to our own day. So, then who is a real rishi? It is the person who has attained through proper means the direct realization of Dharma. That is the one who can be a rishi even if he is a non-Brahmana or mleccha by birth. The basis of varna is guna or the mode of nature in which a person is situated, and not birth. Therefore, one is a Brahmana not because of one’s birth or caste or heredity or color or profession or acquisition of worldly knowledge, or mere observation of social and moral codes, but because of his spiritual knowledge and insight, and his abidance in the Supreme Reality, his state of self-realization. This is the conclusion of all Vedas, Shrutis, Puranas, Itihasas, and of all great men of India.
Therefore, casteism, meaning judging a person by one’s birth family, is a misguided social custom and not part of any spiritual tradition, and all our great preachers have tried to break it down. From Buddhism downwards, every sect has preached against caste.
WHEN A BRAHMANA BECOMES LOWER THAN A SHUDRA
“According to Svayambhuva Manu, the principal characteristic of a Brahmana is that he possesses spiritual knowledge, is enriched with the power of penance, and maintains a state of purity. According to this understanding, anyone, whether he belongs to an upper, middle, or lower caste, if he never indulges in sinful activities, he must be considered a Brahmana. It is said that an honest and well-behaved Shudra is better than an arrogant Brahmana, and a Brahmana who disregards the prescribed codes of good conduct is inferior to a Shudra. A Shudra that does not keep wine in his shop or in his house is called an honest Shudra.” (BP, 42.29-32)
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My Caste Don’t Ask: I am an Indian
Publication: Organiser
Publication Date: June 06, 2010
Author: Sudesh VermaThe author is a senior journalist Political Analyst and CEO ORSAA
There are many people like me who would think of all these questions when the enumerators come to them. They had no role in chosing their caste. They became a Brahmin or a Kayastha by default. Likewise, their children too did not have the choice of being born casteless unless one identity was completely merged into the other. What should these people do then now?
I am thinking of putting out a board in front of our two-room apartment in Delhi saying that we are four members-My wife my two children aged 8 and 4 respectively and I. We will enumerate ourselves as Indians and not the castes to which we belong. Lest it sound arrogant to our policy makers that I am refusing to follow their diktat. On caste enumeration I have a question to ask them: Which caste we would belong?
My details are: I am a Kayastha married to a Kashmiri Pandit. I do not know which caste my children belong to since the court has also recognised the rights of mothers. I did not feel feudal enough to ask my wife to drop her maiden name despite objections to it by my father. As a result my two sons identify themselves as either a Bihari or a Kashmiri depending on their company and at times Indians. I have never seen them reacting as caste members. I have never taken them to a Chitragupta puja to help them identify with the caste I was born into.
I have always made it a point to help them identify with the national flag and the national anthem. The first festival they know is Independence Day. I do not know what to tell the enumerators when they come knocking at the door. My children may not understand what we tell the enumerators but I am scared they would ask this question when they grow old enough to understand the importance of caste. They may like to know what caste we identified ourselves with and them. What is the caste I should tell the enumerators, my dear policy makers?
I thought of another contradiction in our family. Since we, husband and wife, belong to different castes, we have not been able to identify with one caste or the other. Our families have been particular that the caste identities are not spoken about even in private talks. They may have an opinion about us, but that has failed to bring caste into our relations. Is it the time to celebrate now that the government wants to know our castes.
After 10 years my eldest child will be 18 and will have the right to vote. There will be another census then. He will need to mention his caste then. What will happen to him? That will also be the time when he would come to know that his closet friend was a Dalit or a Yadav and they are not from his caste stock. Will he then behave with them in the same way?
There are many people like me who would think of all these questions when the enumerators come to them. They had no role in chosing their caste. They became a Brahmin or a Kayastha by default. Likewise, their children too did not have the choice of being born casteless unless one identity was completely merged into the other. What should these people do then now?
They have one clear option the way I have decided: Call yourselves Indians and send a strong message that we disagree. This is democracy. Let those who want to benefit from caste enumeration list their castes. We do not want to benefit even if you are thinking of reservation to so-called forward castes in identity dominated politics.
I am yet to figure out how enumeration of castes will benefit social justice. Will it now be reservation based on proportion in population something that was talked about by Kanshi Ram. Will it then mean legislation to delimit the upper limit fixed till now? If this is not the reason then what is the purpose of caste enumeration. Let economic criteria dominate government doles and not castes or this would change the definition of development.
Those who talk of caste enumeration cite caste realities and identity politics to justify their arguments. What is the harm in having the real figures then, they say. But hold! There are many other issues that are as much a reality as caste. One such thing is corruption. The other is the age-old and well-known institution of prostitution. People have been trying to fight these issues and to lift the country and society out of complete degradation. Why do we not think of legalising these? At least it would help the children of destitute prostitutes in most by-lanes of India ’s metros and historic towns.
Politics is supposed to be the instrument of social change more so as we are embracing modernisation in terms of economy and development. But when politics becomes a means to achieve power, it loses its moral values. In the rat race of manipulating caste data to political advantage, politicians today are silent accomplices to the retrograde steps. We will not move an inch closer to modernism but move backwards to from where we started: The Manusmriti. The next step would be more such khap panchayats to prevent inter-caste marriage since this would affect the numbers and destabilise political equations.
My question needs an answer, my dear policy makers. Remember I am not alone.
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Hinduism (Hindu Dharma) Does Not Permit Caste System
Author: J.G. Arora
Publication: Organiser
Date: February 27, 2005There is a misconception in some minds that Hindu scriptures sanction the caste system.
Vedas, the proud possession of mankind, are the foundation of Hinduism. Vedas are all-embracing, and treat the entire humanity with the same respect and dignity. Vedas speak of nobility of entire humanity (krinvanto vishvam aryam), and do not sanction any caste system or birth-based caste system. Mantra, numbered 10-13-1 in Rig Veda, addresses the entire humanity as divine children (shrunvantu vishve amrutsya putraha). Innumerable mantras in Vedas emphasise oneness, universal brotherhood, harmony, happiness, affection, unity and commonality of entire humanity.
A few illustrations are given here. Vide Mantra numbered 5-60-5 in Rig Veda, the divine poet declares, “All men are brothers; no one is big, no one is small. All are equal.” Mantra numbered 16.15 in Yajur Veda reiterates that “all men are brothers; no one is superior or inferior.” Mantra numbered 10-191-2 in Rig Veda calls upon humanity to be united to have a common speech and a common mind. Mantra numbered 3-30-1 in Atharva Veda enjoins upon all humans to be affectionate and to love one another as the cow loves her newly-born calf. Underlining unity and harmony still further, Mantra numbered 3-30-6 in Atharva Veda commands humankind to dine together, and be as firmly united as the spokes attached to the hub of a chariot wheel.
The Bhagavad Gita, which contains the essence of Vedas and Upanishads, has many shlokas that echo the Vedic doctrine of oneness of humanity. In shloka numbered V (29), Lord Krishna declares that He is the friend of all creatures (suhridam sarva bhutanam) whereas shloka numbered IX (29) reiterates that the Lord has the same affection for all creatures, and whosoever remembers the Lord, resides in the Lord, and the Lord resides in him. Shloka numbered XVIII (61) declares that God resides in every heart (ishwar sarva bhutanam hrudyeshe Arjun tishthti).
Guna (Aptitude) and Karma (Actions)
Hindu scriptures speak only about ‘varna’ which means to ‘select’ (one’s profession, etc.) and which is not caste or birth-based.
As per shloka numbered IV (13) of the Bhagavad Gita, depending upon a person’s guna (aptitude) and karma (actions), there are four varnas. As per this shloka, a person’s varna is determined by his guna and karma, and not by his birth. Chapter XIV of the Bhagavad Gita specifies three gunas viz. satva (purity), rajas (passion and attachment) and tamas (ignorance). These three gunas are present in every human in different proportions, and determine the varna of every person. Accordingly, depending on one’s guna and karma, every individual is free to select his own varna. Consequently, if their gunas and karmas are different, even members of the same family can belong to different varnas. Notwithstanding the differences in guna and karma of different individuals, Vedas treat the entire humanity with the same respect and do not sanction any caste system or birth-based caste system.
Veda is the Foundation
Hinduism is all-embracing and grants the same respect to all humans, and anything to the contrary anywhere is not sanctioned by the Vedas. Being divine revelation, the shrutis (Vedas) are the ultimate authority on Dharma, and represent its eternal principles whereas being human recapitulations, smritis (recollections) can play only a subordinate role. As per shloka numbered (6) of Chapter 2 in Manu Smriti, “Veda is the foundation of entire Dharma.” Shloka numbered 2(13) of Manu Smriti specifies that whenever shruti (vedas) and smritis differ, stipulation of Vedas will prevail over smritis. In view of this position, anything discriminatory in Manu Smriti or anywhere else is anti-Veda, and therefore, is not sanctioned by Hinduism and has subsequently been inserted with unholy intentions, and deserves to be weeded out.
Besides, precise codification of Hinduism in one book is indispensable to make Hinduism easier to be understood by a layman. For this codification, appropriate mantras of Vedas and Upanishads, and selected shlokas in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata (which also includes the Bhagavad Gita), etc. will provide the basic material.
Role of Media
In order to usher in a casteless and harmonious society, the all-embracing and universal message of Vedas has to be followed and spread.
Both the print and electronic media play an important role in a country’s life. They should contribute their mite to unite various sections of the society. But in India, most of the media are unwittingly strengthening caste and communal divisions. By publishing divisive articles and describing political leaders and electorates, achievers and sports persons, and even wrong-doers and their victims as members of a particular caste or community, the media is strengthening the divisions instead of unifying the society. The media should play a positive role so that there is amity all around.
Let Your Hearts be One
Anyone believing in the caste system is violating the Vedic command of oneness of entire humanity. Although the first known poem in the world appeared as the first mantra in Rig Veda, and though the Vedas and Upanishads contain the sublimest thoughts in the sublimest language, because of a faulty education system, most of the educated Indians are ignorant of their rich heritage contained in the Vedas and Upanishads. Most Indians do not know Sanskrit, the language of Vedic literature. Many persons do not know even the meaning of their Sanskrit names. By learning Sanskrit one can read the Vedas, though even translated Vedic literature can be studied.
We have to ensure that we do not lose our rich Vedic heritage as it would amount ot losing our identity. To ensure the survival of our Vedic heritage, and to bring about unity and harmony in society, it is imperative that the all-embracing message of the Vedes is practised and propagated.
(The author is a former Chief Commissioner of Income Tax. His e-mail address is: jgarora@vsnl.net)
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Preservation of Heritage & Culture- The Temples of Kashmir
HinduPACT co-sponsored a live event on Temples in Kashmir. The panelists disussed the history of temples, the destruction of temples as a result of Islamic invasion through centuries and recent terrorism, and what Hindus are doing to revive the sacred temples.

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HinduPACT Co-Sponsors 2020 Presidential Debate from Hindu Perspective
HOUSTON: The political divide between Hindu supporters of US President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden is getting deeper with the presidential election less than two weeks away and the starting of early polls in some states.
In a sign of the growing political prominence of Hindus in America, the Trump and Biden campaigns are wooing this religious minority community like never before. Hinduism is the fourth largest faith in the US, representing approximately one per cent of the US population in 2016.
The Biden campaign in September launched ‘Hindu Americans for Biden’ in September, while the Trump campaign in August announced the formation of the ‘Hindu Voices for Trump’ as part of their efforts to attract the over two million members of the religious community in the US.
A virtual debate held on Sunday between American Hindu supporters of Trump and Biden brought the message home that there is a clear political divide among the community in the US.While one group alleged that Biden “panders to Muslims”, the other accused Trump of being a “racist”.
The webinar titled ‘2020 Presidential Election: A debate on the American Hindu issues’ was co-sponsored by the Hindu American Foundation, the Hindu American PAC, the HinduPACT and the HinduVote.
During the debate, Biden supporters alluded to the Obama-Biden administration’s lifting of nuclear sanctions against India as a demonstration of Biden’s pro-India stance, while Trump supporters brought to light how Biden as the senate foreign relations committee chair passed a bill pumping billions of dollars for improving Pakistan’s economy, which ended up funding the Pakistan military and promoting terrorism across the border.
Trump supporters underlined that Pakistan honoured Biden with ‘Hilal-i-Pakistan’, the country’s second-highest civil award. On the other hand, Trump, they said, named Pakistan a ‘country of particular concern’ for supporting cross-border terrorism and drastically cut the financial aid to the nation. They recalled that Hindus had asked the Obama administration to cut aid to Pakistan, but it was not done.
A much more direct question to the Biden team was about the party platform having sections on American Muslims, American Jewish, but “nothing clear cut about American Hindu community, not even a mention”.
In response, the Biden team said the Democratic Party as a policy recognises “cultural communities” and not religious communities, thus, its policy towards “Indian American community” is on the platform.
Utsav Chakrabarty, a Trump supporter, said he had written at least six letters to the Democratic Party leadership, asking them to post a policy paper on American Hindus, but he never got any response. A Democratic Party operative, he claimed, told him that unless he made a contribution to the Biden campaign, nothing would change.Tushar Dayagude, another Trump supporter, echoed Chakrabarty’s assertion that campaign contribution was a must for Hindus to have their cause recognised in the Biden team.
Dayagude opined that Hindu members contributing to Trump’s campaign was the reason Biden campaign ignored the community.
In this context, Srilekha Palle, a Trump supporter from Fairfox, Virginia, disputed the assertion that American Hindus largely donated only to the Trump campaign. Palle pointed out that a prominent Houston-based American Hindu raised USD 3.5 million from the community members in single night for Biden campaign.
Trump supporters said the Democrats have always “pandered to Muslims” and its support to the Hindu community was nothing more than a “tokenism”.
To drive home their point, they cited the Diwali celebration at the White House in 2012 when Obama was the president. The supporters pointed out that the Democrats invited the Islamic Society of North America as one of the sponsors of the event and provided a platform to its spokesperson to speak at the Hindu religious festival.
Buttressing the point further, Trump supporters showed on the screen an “insensitive” image tweeted by Meena Harris, niece of Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris. The tweet has now been deleted by Meena, 35, who is a lawyer and a children’s book author.
Meena had tweeted the image to greet Hindus on the ongoing festival of ‘Navratri’, which celebrates women power and the triumph of good over evil. In the image, Kamala Harris, depicted as goddess Durga, was seen killing President Trump, who was depicted as buffalo demon ‘Mahishasura’. The image also showed Biden as a lion, the ‘vahana’ (vehicle) of the goddess.
Chakrabarty said the only outreach the Biden team has made to Hindus is this kind of “tokenism, which at best is cheap and hurtful and at its worst, creates Hindu phobia”.
The Trump team at the debate also included Jay Kansara, a former director of governmental relations for the Hindu American Foundation in Washington DC, who played a key role in the Howdy Modi summit last year.
The Biden team panelists were Nish Acharya, who was Director of Innovation & Entrepreneurship in the Obama administration; and Niki Shah, a Hindu community organiser who worked closely on Hindu initiatives for former president Obama’s faith-based council.
Asked why the Trump campaign did not respond to a questionnaire sent by the Hindu American Foundation PAC, while the Biden campaign did, Kansara said he found the questionnaire heavily biased against Trump and, therefore, advised the Trump campaign against responding to it.


